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Ciʔa > mʔyh
Ciʔa > bʔyyd
Ciʔā > bʔyyt

Cayʔ > šʔy
Cayʔ > yʔys

(If this isn't all metathesis, which it might be)

You noted in a previous post that evidence for the glottal stop in the dialect behind the QCT seems to be limited mainly to Caʔ(a). So what if there are a couple of different processes here:

- Consonantal mʔyh/bʔyyd/bʔyyt = pronunciation miyah/biyayd/biyayāt
What if the extra /y/ was added to harmonize between traditional scribal spelling and pronunciation? We can be reasonably sure of scribal activity in Hijaz, so scribal spellings could have preserved etymological alif, with an extra ya' added to match pronunciation. In any event, if we assume iʔ(v) > iy(v) then I think the only way that makes sense is to see the alif as etymological spelling with an extra ya' added. I just don't like the ya' used as representative for ā (though ultimately either argument will be open to circularity).

- Consonantal yʔys/sʔy = pronunciation yaʔyas/šaʔy. Then maybe loss of word-final aʔy. This would mean something like šayʔ > šaʔy > šāy, which when indefinite accusative, internal ā shortened (like in jabbār): šāyā > šayā (because of reduction of first of two long vowels - consonantal šy'). Perhaps word-internal ayʔ > aʔy was retained longer than word-final ay?, hence the rarity of š'y but the regularity of yʔys. It would make sense that a metathesis would have remained in word-internal Caʔ because, as you noted, it's where you see glottal stop retained most consistently. Perhaps root was re-analyzed in some dialects (or in early papyri because of orthography?) as ʔys...


Last night I suggested that ʔy was a plene way of spelling /iyya/ to Marijn, so:

Ciʔa > mʔyh /miyyah/
Ciʔa > bʔyyd /biyyayd/
Ciʔā > bʔyyt /biyya(a)yaat/

Cayʔ > šʔy /shayy/
Cayʔ > yʔys /yiyyas/

This supposes the sound change of i'a to iyya, which we find modern arabic of course. this spelling was rarely used, and seems to have spread from the word hundred, and eventually dies out.


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