I was leafing through my MA thesis the other day. My first real work on Proto-Berber reconstruction. While I was pleasantly surprised that I'm not complete embarrassed about my idead on Proto-Berber reconstruction at the time, my views have certainly developed. I thought it would be a nice exercise to make a list of corrections the reconstructions, as I would currently reconstruct them as opposed to how I reconstructed them in 2011.
(1) *ta-ʔ(v̆̆)ḍuβ-t 'wool'.
Basically unchanged. I now admit the possibility that there may have been a vowel in between the first two radicals. This solves the problem that there are quite a lot of *ʔCVC stems, but vanishingly few *CCVC stems, instead we find many *CvCVC.
(2) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)fud pl. *i-ʔ(v̆̆)fadd-ăn 'knee'
See (1). On the i vowel in Awjili see Van Putten (2013). The short ă for *a in Ghadamsi is one of the few returning Eastern Berber Isoglosses, it shared it with Nefusi ufəd pl. ifəddən and Siwi fud pl. ifəddən, but surprisingly not with Sokna and El-Foqaha which are usually close to Siwi, and not with Awjili.
(3) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)βyur 'moon'
See (1). Certainly reconstructible for Proto-Berber, but it's a but unclear where the glottal stop in Zenaga and Ghadamsi come from has come from. Zenaga points to *a-ʔyur pl. *i-βyar-ăn, Ouargli points to *a-βyur pl. *i-βyar-ăn.
The Tuareg plural orăn is bizarre. I suspect it is somehow a *i-CŭCC-ăn plural. A fairly rare plural, most prominently attested in Tamazight argaz pl. irəgzən. e.g.: *i-ʔŭyr-ăn > (i-)urăn > orăn.
The alternation between *ʔ and *β remains unusual and unexplained.
(4) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)ḱal 'earth'
See (1). Awjili looks like a loan from a Zenatic language.
(5) *ta-ʔ(v̆̆)mar-t pl. *ti/ə-ʔ(ĭ)mir-ăʔ 'beard'
See (1).For the *ti/ə- prefix see Van Putten (forthcoming.a).
The plural suffix certainly contains a glottal stop, but it is ambiguous whether it is -aʔ or *-ăʔ. The reason why I prefer reconstructing *-ăʔ is due to the alternation between -a and -Ø in this plural formation in Tuareg dialects, e.g.:
Verbal noun of əgər 'to throw'
Mali teǧere pl. tiǧir (T-ka), ti-gur (A-grm)
Ahaggar teǵere pl. tiǵor
Iwellemmeden tăggor pl. šigur
Ayer tegăre pl. tigura
Verbal noun of əwət 'to hit'
Mali tewete pl. tiwit
Iwellemmeden tewăte pl. šiwit
Ayer tewăte pl. tiwita
Ayer has -a where the other Tuareg dialects have no suffix. Word-final accented *-ắʔ yields -a in Tuareg while unaccented *-ăʔ yields -Ø. So assuming there was some form of accent alternation in the plural (the details are not fully understood) we can reconstruct:
*ta-gar-e pl. *ti/ə-wit-ắʔ ~ *ti/ə-wít-ăʔ
*ta-wăʔt-e pl. *ti/ə-wəʔt-ắʔ ~ *ti/ə-wə́ʔt-ăʔ
This still needs some more evidence, and perhaps a study on the Proto-Berber accent in the noun. A more careful reconstruction would simply say that the suffix is either *-aʔ or *ăʔ.
(6) *ta-ʔ(v̆̆)riḱ-t pl. *ti/ə-ʔ(ĭ)riḱ-ăʔ 'saddle'
See (1) and (5).
(7) *ta-ʔ(v̆̆)fuk-t 'sun'
See (1). There is some alternation between uk ~ u among the dialects which is not fully understood but is certainly related to the verb with w in the root, e.g. Tuareg ifaw 'to be light'. But it is not fully understood.
(8) *aʔ(v̆̆)luḍ 'mud'
(9) *(t)a-ʔĭrĭg/ǵ(-t) ; stone'
Ghd. érəǵ and Zng. tiʔrgiT are a little difficult to reconcile. We know that the sequence *ăʔĭ can yield e in Ghadames. It is not clear if it would yield iʔ in Zenaga. More research into the vocalism of Zenaga is necessary.
(10) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)βun 'flour'
(11) ?*(a-)iʔsəm pl. *(i-)iʔsəm-aw-ăn 'name'
I am still hesitant to reconstruct this for Proto-Berber. It would be impossible to tell if it was an early loan from Arabic. But if I had to reconstruct it, it would look like the form given above.
(12) ?*a-ḍăʔăr pl. *i-ḍăʔar(r)-ăn 'foot/leg'
I now believe that the short vowel in Tuareg aḍăṛ needs to be considered. But I am not sure how to analyse it yet. Medial unaccented *ăʔ(ă) yields ă in Tuareg. But CăC stems regularly shift the prefix from *a- > e- (Van Putten forthcoming.b). This shift is absent, which suggest some interfernig factor. A clear solution is not yet obvious. There are some other nouns with a similar distribution, e.g. Tuareg ašăl 'daylight' ~ Tashl, azal 'day'. The exact reconstruction needs further examination. before a proper reconstruction can be made.
Kossmann (2001) suggested reconstructing *a-ḍʔar, which I followed in my thesis, but this does not solve the Tuareg issue.
(13) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)dif 'marrow'
This noun, along with alim~lum 'hay' and asif~suf 'river'have i in Kabyle, Tamazight and Tashelhiyt, but an u in Zenatic and Tuareg. Already in my thesis I noted this distribution I elaborated on this in Van Putten (2014), and suggested a reconstruction *a-diʔf.
Notice however that in all three cases (see 79 and 80, below) these nouns have a stable initial vowel in the singular (and not in the plural, except in Tamazight for this word, but that's surely secondary). This is normally a sign of a stem-initial glottal stop. This is somethnig I failed to notice both in my thesis and in my article, but certainly suggests perhaps some kind of metathesis:
What is causing this metathesis in Tamazight/Tashelhiyt/Kabyle?
Here's a new thought: In Ghadames initial *a-ʔ yields o (followed by shortening of the following vowel), final *ắʔ likewise yields o-. This latter result is an isogloss it shares with 'Inner Zenatic' (which excluse varieties like Riffian, Zwara and Tunesian Zenatic languages, but certainly include Ouargla and Mzab). Perhaps Inner Zenatic had a development as follows:
*a-ʔdif, *a-ʔsif, *a-ʔlim > *o-dif, *o-sif, *o-lim > (regular metathesis of rounding feature) *a-duf, *a-suf, *a-lum > (Typical Zenatic irregular loss of the prefix vowel before CV) a-duf, suf, lum.
This same metathesis of the rounding feature would then also have happened in Tuareg.
If we accept this solution however, we have to accept that the Zenaga äḏiʔf underwent metathesis of the glottal stop. This is not uncommon, and certainly happens in other situations, but obviously makes the solution less attractive.
(14) *(a-)uβăʔr 'lion'
This word poses some issues for the reconstruction, see also Kossmann (2001). Like (12) the Tuareg cognate has a short *ă, while other languages have a full vowel: ahăr. I somehow missed this cognate in my thesis.
(15) *a-fuʔəs pl. *i-fass-ăn 'hand'
*CuCəC stems exist, *CuCC stems do not. The loss of *ʔ in the plural of the Zenaga cognate ävuʔš pl. uvässän, uṿässän is unexpected. The solution will come down to how we understand these formations with a infix and long final consonant.
Perhaps an assimilation of the glottal stop to the next s (a solution already suggested by Prasse, but not without its problems, such assimilation are not found in the verbal system, ắʔker 'to steal' yields akər, not əkkər. But one wonders if roots that have ʔs as the first two root consonants exist.
(16) *(a-)iləs pl. *(i-)iləs-aw-ăn 'tongue'
I think the final glottal stop that appears to be present in Zenaga is an epenthetic vowel, because the final cluster tʸš was not permitted.
The plural Zng. ätʸšūn ~ Tamazight/Tashelhiyt alsiwn seem similar, and sufficiently weird to perhaps warrant reconstruction for Proto-Berber. In my forthcoming article on the vowel e I argue that this i~a variation is originally e~a variation. If we reconstruct the alternation for this word, that would be the only counterexample.
I will present this in Austin Texas at the North American Conference of Afro-Asiatic Linguistics. I will post my slides after the presentation on my Academia.
This word is of course a very nice cognate to the Semitic ls 'tongue' root.
(17) *a-ɣăss pl. *i-ɣs-an ~ *(a-)aɣăss pl. *(i-)aɣăss-ăn 'bone'
The reconstruction of this word is difficult. Some languages have emphasis in the final long consonant. Awjili somehow has a cluster st.
It's also not clear if this word had a stem initial vowel or not. It depends on the language whether it is the case.
For the stem initial vowel, see my NACAL presentation (as 16)
(18) *a-ḍad ~ *a-ḍawd ~ *a-ḍakkəd pl. *i-ḍəwd-an
The Awjili taqt pl. taqqíd may not be a cognate at all. Zenaga aḏ̣aġḏi pl. iḏuġḏän and Tuareg ăḍaḍ pl. iḍəḍwan, iḍăḍwan both seem to point to some element *w but on different sides of the d. Ghadames has kk, which probably related to this element *w in some way. Reconstruction remains difficult. The final i in Zenaga may be an epenthetic vowel to break up the word-final cluster rather than a reflex of *əʔ.
(19) *ta-βăyn-e 'dates'
The prefix was ta- that underwent the *a > e shift as discussed in Van Putten forthcoming.b.
(20) *(a-)aβăya pl. *(i-)aβăyaw-ăn 'nephew, grandchild'
Proto-Berber probably already underwent *aw# > *a. Forms that have final -aw presumably introduced it from the plural. Tuareg retains the old situation ahăya pl. ihayawăn.
(21) *(a-)aβwal pl. *(i-)aβwal-ăn 'speech'
(22) ta-βur-t pl. ti/ə-βur-ăʔ 'door'
Forgot to reconstruct the plural. This seems the best reconstruction. The Awjili təv(v)úrt pl. tvurr has a puzzling plural formation. Not that Mali Tuareg tăhort pl. tihor is once again missing the final -a, as expected in this plural type.
(23) *a-βăḍ pl. *i-βăḍ-an ~ *(a-)aβăḍ pl. *(i-)aβăḍ-an / *(i-)uβḍ-an 'night'
The plural suffix -an usually is only added to a CŭCC stem, cf. *a-ǵăllid pl. *i-ǵŭld-an 'king' (cf. also fāris pl. fursān plurals in Arabic). This does not seem to be the case in this word in most Berber languages, which is somewhat unexpected. Mzab and Ouargla iyḍan is probably from such a formation < *i-βŭḍ-an. The forms Kabyle/Tashelhiyt aḍan ~ Zenaga āḍan point to a stem initial vowel. Perhaps the stem initial vowel reconstruction is better for these languages. But both formations seem present in Berber. It is difficult to decide which is original. The reflexes with e vowel in the stem-initial form is discussed in an article currently in preparation, see my NACAL presentation (see 16).
(24) *ta-ʔβun-t 'big stone, anvil'
Should have reconstructed this with *ʔβ cluster rather than *ʔ/β.
(25) *aβv̆̆rn 'flour'
Reconstruction unchanged. Awjili vrún remains strange, presumably a different formation.
(26) The word for 'chameleon' remains difficult to reconstruct. The different words cannot really be reconciled. t(a)-aβa(w) ~ t(a)-ata(w) pl. t(a)-at-iw-en ~ t-awəḍ-en??
(27) *(a-)anβăr pl. (i-)anβar-ăn 'eyebrow, eyelash'
Not many cognates. See my NACAL presentation (see 16)
(28) *(a-)uləβ pl. *(i-)ulβ-aw-ăn 'heart'
This noun seems to have a uCC shape, otherwise rare. *(a-)uləβ is sooner expected, but we would expect this to show up in some languages as i or u, but it only does in Siwi uli < *uləβ?
This is almost certainly cognate to the Semitic root *lb.
(29) *a-ɣirβ pl. *i-ɣirβ-an? ~ *a-ɣăβăr pl. *i-ɣăβăr-iw-an 'shoulder'
This stem seems to have a vowel i in the stem for Tuareg. But the Zenaga, Tashelhiyt and Tamazight forms may point to internal a~e variation. This is normally due to a conditioned shift as in my a > e paper that I will present at NACAL (see 16). The variation is unexpected in this noun from the rules that I have set up in this article.
A suggestion might be that this noun has a different formation in Zenaga, Tashelhiyt and Tamazight, something like *a-ɣăβăr with metathesis would yield the expected results Proto-Atlas Berber *e-ɣer pl. *i-ɣar-iw-ăn.
CiCC is not a normal stem formation, but a *ə before *β would give i or u reflexes.
(30) *i-damm-ăn 'blood'
Unchanged. Compare Semitic *dm.
(31) *ta-fer-t pl. *ti-fer-en ~ *ta-făr-t pl. *ti/ə-fa/ăr-en ? 'reward'
Zenaga and Ghadames clearly have a different formation with a ă vowel in the stem. The reason for this difference in formation is not well understood.
(32) *ta-meḍ-t pl. *ti-meḍ-en 'umbilical cord'
I do not understand the Zenaga form tṃaḌ pl. tuṃṃuddäyn, tṃuddäyn.
(33) *a-ɣil pl. i-ɣall-ăn 'arm'
The forms iɣil appear to be secondary, see Tamazight iɣil ~ aɣil.
(34) *ta-ɣər-t ~ *ta-ɣar-t 'drought'
I originally ignored the Kabyle taɣəṛt form. Not broadly attested.
(35) *t(a)-aɣəy-t pl. t(i)-uɣay ~ ta-ɣuyye-tt pl. ti-ɣuya 'shout'
The Kabyle and Zenaga formations are one formation the Tamazight and Tuareg reflect the other.
(36) *(a-)udəm pl. *(i-)udəm-aw-ăn 'face'
(37) *(a-)eḍəs 'sleep'
One of the few noun formations that have a stem-initial e. This is ultimately secondary on a Pre-Proto-Berber level. This is a verbal noun formation from *C1=C2 CCC verbs, e.g. *ăṭṭəs 'to sleep', because of their causatives *əssuṭəs and because one obvious Afro-Asiatic cognate, it seems that these nouns had an original stem initial w: Pre-Proto-Berber *a-wĭḍĭs.
(38) *(a-)afăr(r) pl. *(i-)afăr-iw-ăn ~ *(a-)afər pl. *(i-)afər-iw-ăn ? 'wing'
This word is difficult to reconstruct. Multiple formations appear to play a role.
(39) *t(a)-urəʔ-t ~ *ta-ruʔ-t pl. t(i-)uraʔ 'lung'
The Singular of Ouargle, Foqaha and Tuareg are probably originally plurals. The loss of final -a in Tuareg, despite this almost certainly being a final sequence *aʔ, is a counter-example to my theory that the plural suffix discussed in (5) is *ăʔ rather than *aʔ. The forms tarut appear to be a different formation (with metathesis?) Perhaps *ta-ruʔ-t.
Compare the obvious Semitic cognate *riʔ-at- 'lung'
(40) *(a-)urəɣ 'gold'
Unchanged. In Pre-Proto-Berber presumably from something like *a-wŭrŭɣ. The connection with the root wrɣ 'to be yellow' is obvious, also compare the Semitic root *wrq.
(41) *(a-)aɣăf pl. *(i-)aɣăf-iw-ăn ~ *(a-)iɣəf pl. *(i-)ɣəf-aw-an 'head'
Two different formations appear to play a role in this noun.
(42) *(a-)asăf pl. *(i-)usf-an 'day'
Reconstruction unchanged. Compare the similar plural formation in (23).
(43) *a-lăm pl. *i-lăm-aw-ăn 'skin'
Kabyle tallumt 'screens made of thin strips of skin' is obviously a different derivation from the same root. Ghadames and Zenaga forms may point to a formation with a stem-initial vowel *(a-)alăm pl. *(i-)alămaw-ăn, but this might be an individual reanalysis in these languages.
(44) *(a-)alăf pl. *(i-)alăf-iw-ăn ~ *(i)-ilf-an 'swine'
Despite its very marginal distribution, the new findings on the vowel e in Berber, allow for quite a specific reconstruction. Obviously, its limited distribution may make it not reconstructible for Proto-Berber. But it is not unlikely that a word, consider the status of pork in Islam, was simply lost in all other Berber languages.
(45) *t(a)-adăkt / *t(a)-edək-t / *t(a)-idv̆̆k-t 'mastic tree'
Due to its limited distribution, we cannot decide between these different reconstructions.
(46) *(a-)adal 'alga'
(47) *(i-)ad-an 'bowels'
Basically unchanged. Clearly originally a Plurale Tantum.
(48) *a-ḍil 'grape'
The lack of a prefix i- in these languages confirms that the stem vowel is i, not e.
(49) *(a-)ugəl pl. *(i-)ugl-an 'tooth'
Presumably from Pre-PB *a-wŭgŭl, see (40). Awjili has a different formation *a-wăgil/*a-wăgel. Ghadames also has a different formation *ta-wəgle-t?.
(50) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)gum 'trunk'
Glottal stop added. See Van Putten (2015).
(51) *a-gur pl. *i-gur-ăn 'castrated goat'
Unchanged, Very marginal distribution.
(52) *ta-β(v̆̆)gus-t pl. *ti-β(v̆̆)gus-en 'saddle strap'
Fixed a type. Otherwise unchanged.
(53) *(a-)aguẓẓ/s pl. *(i-)aguẓẓ/s-ăn / *a-gaẓẓ pl. *i-gŭẓẓ-an 'cheek'
Unusual alternation between ẓ and s. I'm quite sure now that the Tamazight word belongs to the etymon.
Ghadames and Tuareg point to a different formation: *a-gaẓẓ pl. *i-gŭẓẓ-an (see 23).
(54) Quite sure that this is an Arabic loanword.
Tuareg form has a typo. Should be ta-krurəy-t pl. ti-krurəy-en. This is probably not a loanword, but I am not sure if it has cognates outside of Tuareg. Appears to be onomatopoeic.
(55) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)kuz 'mealworm'
Glottal stop added. See Van Putten (2015).
(56) t(a)-aməm-t 'honey'
For the i vowel in Awjili see Van Putten (2013).
(57) a-m(m)ud 'prayer'
(58) *a-m(m)ud 'door post'
In some weird way related to (57)?
(59) *ta-mur-t pl. *ti-mur-ăʔ 'earth'
(60) *ti-mẓ-en ~ *t(i)-umẓ-en 'barley'
The u vowel has found in Foqaha is more widespread. Related to *aməẓ 'to grab' somehow?
(61) *(a-)inəɣ pl. *(i-)inəɣ-an / *(a-)anŭɣ pl. *(i-)anŭɣ(-iw)-ăn 'palate'
I believe the Kabyle forms anəɣ and inəɣ are two separate formations. The Tashelhiyt form *anɣa is unusual.
(62) *ta-ʔnas-t pl. *ti/ə-ʔnis-ăʔ 'key'
(63) *(a-)eɣəd 'ashes'
See (37).From *ăqqəd 'to burn' Pre-PB *a-wĭɣĭḍ. Compre Semitic *wqd.
(64) *ta-răy-t 'heap of grain'
Due to insights into the e vowel in the prefix, the vocalism can be established without the need of languages that distinguish e~i and ă~ə.
(65) *(a-)erəd 'grain of weat' pl. *i-yərəd-ăn 'wheat'
For a long time I have been puzzled by the Awjili and Foqaha plurals yə́rdən.
Perhaps this confirms my hypothesis of (37) that Pre-Proto-Berber *a-wĭ > *a-yĭ > *e. Without the presence of the *a- prefix in the plural, the yə sequence resurfaces. Other languages would have either analogically corrected it, or perhaps underwent a development *iyə > i (not unlikely, of course).
(65) *(a-)uraw 'cupped hands'
The tamazight singular uru is somewhat surprising.
(67) *(a-)aruy pl. *(i-)aruy-ăn 'porcupine'
Limited distribution, reconstuction basically unchanged.
(68) *ta-ʔ(v̆̆)saf-t pl. *ti/ə-ʔ(ə)suf-ăʔ '(acorns of the) holly oak'
It's somewhat unclear whether this noun had an initial glottal stop. But Kabyle points to this. Tashelhiyt might be a generalization of the stable initial vowel from the singular to the plural.
(69) *a-sen pl. *i-sen-ăn 'tooth'
Prefix is normal e- due to the a > e shift.
This has a good cognate in Semitic *sinn-
(70) *t(a)-esəm-t 'salt'
The shape of this noun suggests a Pre-PB *ta-wĭsĭm-t
(71) *(a-)esəm / *ta-ssəm-t 'animal fat'
The shape of the masculine noun may go back to Pre-PB *a-wĭsĭm. The feminine form 'confirms' the semi-vowel, as it the cluster *ws yields *ss, Pre-PB *ta-wsəm-t (cf. *ăwɣed > *ăqqəd, 37 & 63).
(72) *ta-βyăt-t pl. *ti-βyat 'shoulder'
This word is somewhat difficult to reconstruct, as the *βy cluster clearly gives unexpected reflexes here and there. This seems like the most sensible solution.
(73) *a-zyeḍ pl. i-zŭyḍ-an or i-zăyḍ-an 'donkey'
There is some ambiguity about the realization of the plural and the position of the y in the stem. I think reconstructing this nouns with an existing plural pattern that shifts the position of the y in the stem, explains much of the variation.
See discussion under (12). I don't know how to reconstruct these forms yet, but I expect that a glottal stop plays a role. The plural in Tuareg i-šil-an should perhaps be understood as a *i-CŭCC-an: *i-zŭʔl-an with an accented stem vowel.
Reconstruction of the singular remains unclear.
(75) *t(a)-aẓ(ẓ)ul-t 'kohl'
(76) *(a-)i/ezv̆̆m pl. *(i-)i/ezv̆̆maw-ăn 'lion'
(77) *a-ẓar pl. i-ẓur-an 'root'
Languages that have aẓur in the singular probably analogically transferred the plural stem to the singular.
(78) *a-ză/aβu 'hair'
Perhaps the Awjili form is a spearate formation, but perhaps the sequence ăβu simply yields aw outside of Awjili. The Tuareg form is clearly unrelated.
(79) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)sif pl. *i-ʔ(v̆̆)saff-ăn 'river'
(80) *a-ʔ(v̆̆)lim 'straw'
See (13) and (79).
(81) *a-făffəʔ pl. *i-făfʔ-an? 'teat'
I missed the Tuareg cognate e-făff pl. i-făf-an and the Zenaga cognate əvəffi /əfəffəʔ/ pl. uffän /əffan/ in my MA thesis.
This noun may have had a stem-initial vowel, as in Kabyle and Tamazight.
Tashelhiyt uff pl. uffan appears to be a different formation: *(a-)ufəf pl. *(i-)uff-an ?
(82) ta-răm-t pl. ti-ram 'meal'
If the stable initial vowel in Tashelhiyt is original rather than the regular prefix in Kabyle, the reconstruction may be *t(a)-irv̆̆m-t or *t(a)-erv̆̆m-t instead.
(83) *a-des pl. *i-dis-an 'side'
Prefix now shown to be *a-
(84) *a-les pl. *i-les-ăn 'fleece'
Prefix now shown to be *a-. It has a stable initial vowel in some dialects. This is presumably secondary. This is a verbal noun formation of the verb *ăləs 'to shear (wool)'. In Tuareg verbal nouns of CC verbs regularly have the form e-CeC. It is more rare outside of Tuareg.
(85) *ta-ssir-t ~ ta-sser-t pl. *ti-syar / *ti-sir-ăʔ 'grand mill'
The long consonant in Kabyle almost certainly has something to do with the y showing up in its plural. But the exact conditioning of this type of alternation is still not well understood. Compare also forms like inəlli pl. inəlwa 'thread'.
(86) *a-ẓed 'milling'
Prefix now shown to be *a-
(87) *ta-dis-t pl. ti-dis-en 'belly'
Probably the same root, but a different formation from (83).
(88) *a-ɣăyd pl. *i-ɣăyd-ăn 'billy goat'
Prefix now shown to be *a-
(89) *(a-)a/e/ifef 'sieving'
Stem initial *a, *e and *i cannot be distinguished in this context with just Northern berber cognates. Derived from the stative verb *ifif 'to sieve'
(90) *(a-)afắ/aʔ(ă)r 'cynodont'
Presumably a stem initial a and a stem-internal glottal stop.
(91) *a-fes pl. *i-fes-ăn 'hyena'
Many of the forms of this noun seem mutuall exclusive. Kabyle has a stem initial vowel, Tamazight and Tashelhiyt clearly do not. The Tashelhiyt plural ifasiwn is, hopefully, an innovation in Tasehlhiyt, as my rules of e~a alternation don't allow for the vowel a to shift to e in this context.
(92) *(a-)agăr pl. *(i-)igr-an 'field'
If this is a loanword from Latin ager 'field', reconstructing it with the a vowel before the a > e shift is very attractive. Especially the presence of many other agricultural words in Berber from Latin makes this likely.
If you do not accept the Latin origin, rhe forms *(a-)egər, *(a-)igər or *(a-)igăr are equally likely.
Note that 'reconstructing' a Latin loanword for Proto-Berber is of course difficult, but Latin influence may have predated the a> e shift.
(93) *ta-ʔ(v̆̆)luf-t pl. ti/ə-ʔ(ə)luf-ăʔ 'sorrow'
The distribution of the prefix vowel in Kabyle suggests the presence of a *ʔ. But this is of course quite indirect evidence.
(94) *a-mur pl. i-mur-ăn 'part, portion'
It seems possible that this is related to *ta-mur-t 'land, earth' as in 'portion (of land)'.
That's all of them! I'm not dissatisfied at all with my MA thesis' content, despite some mistakes and oversights. But by now, I certainly have changed my views on the reconstruction of many of these nouns. Any comments and thoughts are welcome of course.